It is one of my favourite works in the field of
psychology. In 1999, Justin Kruger and David Dunning published an article with the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology
(Volume 77, Number 6) entitled: ‘How Difficulties in Recognizing One’s Own Incompetence
Lead to Inflated Self–Assessments’. In their words, Kruger and Dunning argue,
‘People tend to
hold overly favourable views of their abilities in many social and intellectual
domains. This overestimation occurs, in part, because people who are unskilled
in these domains suffer a dual burden: Not only do these people reach erroneous
conclusions and make unfortunate conclusions, but their incompetence robs them
of the metacognitive ability to realize it. Across four studies, participants
scoring in the bottom quartile of tests in humour, grammar and logic grossly
overestimated their test performance and ability […] Several analyses linked
this miscalibration to deficits in metacognitive skill, or the capacity to
distinguish accuracy from error. Paradoxically, improving the skills of
participants, and thus increasing their metacognitive competence, helped them
realize the limitations of their abilities.’
In English, the two professors are saying: People
who are incompetent suffer a dual burden: not only are they incompetent, but
they may also be too incompetent to assess their own incompetence. The skills
that are needed to have an ability to make a correct judgment are the same as
the skills required to recognize a correct judgment, or indeed to recognize the
shortcomings of one’s ability. Put another way, ignorant and incompetent people
are not only unable to recognize true skill in others; they also have an
inflated idea of their own ability. It is a disease where the patient has no
way of knowing that they actually do not know.
This is what has come to be known as the
Dunning–Kruger effect.
5 April, 2012. It is morning and the tragicomedy
begins. State President Ngwazi Professor Bingu wa Mutharika collapses at New
State House, Lilongwe, Malawi. He is rushed to Kamuzu Central Hospital in
Lilongwe. Unconfirmed reports state that he is ‘DOA’. ‘DOA’ is doctors’ speak
for ‘Dead On Arrival’. Rumours start making the rounds in Malawi and the
virtual–sphere that President Mutharika is dead. During my lunch break, I meet
this guy everybody calls ‘Abigi’. He tells me the news of President Mutharika’s
demise. His face betrays him. He is clearly happy that President Mutharika is
dead. I do not know why he is happy. I caution him that we must wait for a
Government statement on the matter. All afternoon, there is no official
communication from Government on the state of health of President Mutharika. It
is well into night on the eve of Good Friday; still there is no word from
Government on what has befallen President Mutharika. Malawi goes to sleep.
Good Friday, 6 April, 2012. One of the two local
dailies, The Daily Times, screams:
‘Bingu’s illness creates anxiety’. The story states that President Mutharika
was taken ill the previous morning at the New State House; that he suffered
cardiac arrest; that he was rushed to Kamuzu Central Hospital; that he has
since been airlifted to a hospital in the Republic of South Africa for
specialist treatment. I am now confused. Is President Mutharika alive or dead?
Energy Minister, the Honourable Goodall Gondwe confirms, however, that
President Mutharika has been airlifted to South Africa. He goes on to state,
‘He was not in
very good condition but I am told his health is improving now.’
The grapevine is now rife with the news that,
yes, President Mutharika was airlifted to South Africa a dead man.
International media, most notably the British Broadcasting Corporation, begin
to report that President Mutharika is, in fact, dead.
4:00 p.m., Good Friday, 6 April, 2012. A local
private radio station, Zodiak Broadcasting Service (‘Radio Zodiak’), announces
that it will run a live broadcast of a press conference by the State Vice
President Right Honourable Joyce Banda. Malawi waits with pregnant expectation.
At 5:45 p.m. or thereabouts, the Vice President is on air. She informs the
nation that President Mutharika is unwell; that she is in touch with the
Government of the Republic of South Africa who are providing her with updates
on the President’s condition; that she will hold another press conference the
next day, Easter Saturday, 7 April, 2012. More tellingly, she informed the
nation that President Mutharika is incapacitated and that the Constitution of
the Republic of Malawi will have to take its course. Well, at least there is
now something from Government. Indeed, the hidden transcript from the Vice
President’s press conference was this: ‘Fellow Malawians, I am now in charge of
all matters of State.’
Circa 10:30 p.m., Good Friday, 6 April, 2012. The
national broadcaster, Malawi Broadcasting Corporation, announces that there
will be a press conference by Government. We fear for the worst. The cameras
roll as Minister of Information, Honourable Patricia Kaliati; Minister of
Health, Honourable Jean Kalirani; Minister of Sports, Honourable Simon Vuwa
Kaunda; Minister of Local Government, Honourable Henry Mussa; Deputy Minister
in the President’s Office, Honourable Nicholas Dausi; and Deputy Minister of
Foreign Affairs, Honourable Kondwani Nankhumwa, all troop in. I reproduce the
statement Minister Kaliati read out on national television purportedly on
behalf of Government:
‘STATEMENT
MADE TO THE MEDIA ABOUT HONOURABLE JOYCE BANDA’S ELIGIBILITY TO SUCCEED THE
PRESIDENT
The Malawi Government notes with regret statements made by Honourable Joyce Banda and former President Dr. Bakili Muluzi regarding succession to the presidency. Regarding the Vice Presidency and the question of succession to the Presidency, the Government would like to inform the public as follows: The conduct of Honourable Joyce Banda in forming her own opposition party precludes her from being eligible to succeed the Presidency. In this regard, statements relating to succession made by the former Head of State, Dr. Bakili Muluzi and also echoed by Honourable Joyce Banda herself are misleading of the true nature of the situation. As already stated, information regarding the condition of the President will be made available to the public in due course. There has been speculation in certain quarters that Parliament will convene on Tuesday, 10 April, 2012. This information is false. The Government would like to emphasize that Parliament has absolutely no role in this matter. The Government would like to appeal to all Malawians to remain calm and not to listen to any misleading information coming from anyone except official Government sources.’
The Malawi Government notes with regret statements made by Honourable Joyce Banda and former President Dr. Bakili Muluzi regarding succession to the presidency. Regarding the Vice Presidency and the question of succession to the Presidency, the Government would like to inform the public as follows: The conduct of Honourable Joyce Banda in forming her own opposition party precludes her from being eligible to succeed the Presidency. In this regard, statements relating to succession made by the former Head of State, Dr. Bakili Muluzi and also echoed by Honourable Joyce Banda herself are misleading of the true nature of the situation. As already stated, information regarding the condition of the President will be made available to the public in due course. There has been speculation in certain quarters that Parliament will convene on Tuesday, 10 April, 2012. This information is false. The Government would like to emphasize that Parliament has absolutely no role in this matter. The Government would like to appeal to all Malawians to remain calm and not to listen to any misleading information coming from anyone except official Government sources.’
For good measure, Minister Kaliati
declares that the statement has had the vetting of legal counsel; that in
attendance at the conference is a whole PhD in Law, Zolomphi Nkowani.
What a bombshell: Vice President Banda
will be blocked from assuming the office of the President of the Republic. The
Constitution will not be followed.
Easter Saturday, 7 April, 2012. It is
barely mid–morning but the script is getting more complicated and the pace is
getting even faster. One of the weekend papers, The Malawi News, declares: ‘Bingu Dead’. Wait a minute; did he die
in the wee hours of this Easter Saturday or what? The Office of the President
and Cabinet announces the death of President Mutharika at ‘an undisclosed
military hospital’ in South Africa. Cause of death: He suffered a cardiac
arrest. Finally, the dreaded news from Government. His Excellency the State
President Ngwazi Professor Bingu wa Mutharika is dead. He was 78. Local media
announces that Vice President Banda will be holding another press conference
that morning. Vice President Banda confirms to the nation that President
Mutharika was pronounced dead on arrival at One Military Hospital in Pretoria,
South Africa on Thursday, 5 April, 2012. She informs the nation there will be a
Cabinet meeting in the afternoon of Easter Saturday.
Who does the girl, boy, woman or man in
Malawi believe? The grapevine or the statements from Government? The grapevine
was awash with the breaking news that President Mutharika died circa 10:30
a.m., Thursday, 5 April, 2012. He was DOA when he was rushed to Kamuzu Central
Hospital. The government machinery, however, states that President Mutharika in
fact died on the Thursday but was pronounced dead at the military hospital in
South Africa. The implication being that President Mutharika was still alive
when he was rushed to Kamuzu Central. I cannot help but conclude that it is the
typical African ‘big man’ syndrome. As Elizabeth Ohene has noted in relation to
the he–is–not–dead–he–is–alive drama that was Omar Bongo’s death in Spain in
2009: ‘Our leaders are never ill, never get tired and they certainly do not
die.’ And I add that if they also happen to rule a weak economy such as Malawi,
the President cannot be dying at a poorly funded, ill–equipped hospital like
Kamuzu Central. The President must die at a glamorous, state of the art
hospital in ‘Sosafirika’.
Catherine Hara Gotani. Deputy Minister
of Transport and Public Works under the Mutharika Administration and a
contemporary of yours truly at Chancellor College, the University of Malawi. It
is still the morning of Easter Saturday and she decides to go on air on Radio
Zodiak. And boy, oh boy, is her interview revealing. She informs the nation
that since Thursday, 5 April, 2012, there had been three purported meetings of
Cabinet; that the meetings were to devise a strategy stopping Vice President
Banda from assuming the office of President of the Republic; that Peter
Mutharika was to be appointed Acting President of the Republic; that Minister
Goodall Gondwe chaired all the meetings; that Peter Mutharika attended all
meetings; that a few Ministers vehemently opposed any scheme to stop Vice
President Banda from assuming the office of President; and that Peter Mutharika
himself was of the view that Vice President Banda should not be allowed to take
over the reins of power in Malawi.
Well, thank you, Catherine. The message
was loud and clear from the statement Minister Kaliati read out to us the night
before. But thanks to you, that drab statement now has been spiced up with some
names. Who else is involved? Who are the ‘young turks’?
Circa 2:00 p.m., Easter Saturday. The
word in the air is that Vice President Banda – who as things stand is in effect
President–designate Banda – will be formally sworn in as the President of the
Republic. The swearing in ceremony will take place at Parliament Buildings in
Lilongwe. I link up with my brother, ‘man–man’, and we make our way to
Parliament Buildings. The place is teeming with people. Security is tight; I
gather the military police, and not the Malawi Police Service, is in charge
here. The Parliament chamber (both the
members’ floor and the visitors’ gallery) is breaking at the seams; it is
filled with folks sweating confidence. Each time, one of the six Ministers who
attended the press conference the previous night walks into the chamber, they
are greeted with boos. I do not know whether to feel sorry for them or be plain
angry. I decide to enjoy the moment and ignore the Ministers.
Somewhere around 5:00 p.m., the formal
swearing in ceremony starts led by the Chief Justice, the Honourable Lovemore
Green Munlo, SC. When President–designate Joyce Hilda Mtila Banda finally
repeats after the Chief Justice the last bit in the formal oath of the office
of the President: ‘So help me God’; I choked. I quickly regain my composure and
join in the furious hand–clapping that goes on and on in the chamber. The
Constitution 1 versus Akapirikoni† 0.
Game over.
Easter Monday, 9 April, 2012. The other
local daily, The Nation, bellows:
‘OPC disowns DPP Cabinet Meeting’. The sub–heading states: ‘Kaliati explains
her role in succession statement’. I muse to myself, there we go; the
he–said–she–said has begun. The Deputy Chief Secretary in the Office of the
President and Cabinet and my teacher in law school at Chancellor College,
Necton Mhura, is quoted as saying that their Office did not call for any
ministers’ meeting; that they did not sanction a ‘succession statement’ that
was read out late at night on Good Friday; that they do not convene Cabinet
meetings; that they merely take notes and instructions that need to be
implemented.
Fine.
In the same article, Minister Goodall
Gondwe is adamant. He insists that the Office of the President and Cabinet
convened the ministers’ meeting. He was made ‘presiding minister’. He states,
‘All that is now behind us because the
President called a Cabinet meeting and we pledged our loyalty to her. As far as
we are concerned, we hope that things can be walked over [sic]’
Oh, really?
Then, there is Minister Kaliati. She
states in the article that the Good Friday statement by her and her fellow
Ministers was not her own; that the statement was endorsed by the meetings of
all Ministers that took place between Thursday and Good Friday; that she felt
betrayed by those Ministers who distanced themselves from the statement; that
the statement has since been withdrawn; and that the President has since forgiven
them.
The
Nation
quotes her extensively as follows,
‘I could not do that alone. The
unfortunate part is that as Minister of Information, I speak on behalf of Government
and Cabinet. Though some Cabinet ministers were saying this and that, they were
part and parcel of that [statement]. Even the chief secretary was there.
The nation should not look at it as
Patricia’s statement but it was the Cabinet statement. We are happy that the
President has forgiven us as Cabinet ministers and for the statement that we
made. We have withdrawn that. I think other Cabinet ministers and the chief
secretary will also be coming with [the same] to say that that statement is
being withdrawn.
[…]
[People] must also understand that that
thing was done during the crisis with the sudden death of the late Ngwazi. Let
me take the blame, but people should know that I was not speaking on my own
behalf. I was given that statement to read. That’s why I refused to be alone
and asked to be accompanied by other ministers.’
A closer analyses of the various
statements: Minister Kaliati, Minister Goodall Gondwe, the Good Friday
statement, Necton Mhura – all of them, point to one conclusion. President
Mutharika was already dead when ‘he’ was being airlifted to South Africa. It
may well be that all along the grapevine was right; that President Mutharika
was DOA when he was rushed to Kamuzu Central.
From the moment President Mutharika
collapsed at New State House, Vice President Banda ought to have been swiftly
informed of the development so that she takes charge of all matters of State.
It is clear to me that this was not done. Instead, we are informed that there
were at least three purported Cabinet meetings chaired by Minister Goodall
Gondwe. Indeed, the façade continued throughout Easter. Until Easter Monday,
folks are still being quoted in the press as having had some ‘Cabinet meeting’;
statements being made and endorsed by ‘the whole Cabinet’; an Office of the
President and Cabinet that ‘merely takes notes and instructions’ and proceeds
‘to implement’; yada yada.
The statements epitomize a classic
Dunning–Kruger effect. Here is a group of public officers who clearly do not
know (this late in this tragicomedy) that they do not know. For me, it gets
more and more comical with each statement that is made. Let me make one thing
very clear at this stage: Under the Constitution, the ‘Presidency’ is the only
‘public office’ with the power to convene and preside over a meeting of
Cabinet. For this purpose, the ‘Presidency’ means the President, or in his
temporary absence, the Vice President, or in his temporary absence, the Second
Vice President; or, an Acting President or Acting Vice President, as the case
may be. Therefore, between the time of President Mutharika’s collapse and
subsequent death on the Thursday and the time of the Cabinet meeting convened
by President–designate Banda on Easter Saturday, there could not have been a
cabinet meeting convened by anybody else apart from President–designate Banda
anywhere in this country. Before Easter Saturday, President–designate Banda had
not called for a Cabinet meeting. The three purported meetings that took place
between Thursday and Good Friday are unconstitutional in so far as the
attendees seek to give the impression that these meetings were Cabinet meetings.
They were not.
Now, where were the advisors in all
this? Where were the two law officers; the Attorney General, Honourable Justice
Maxon Mbendera, SC and the Solicitor General, Anthony D. Kamanga, SC? Were the
law officers informed of President Mutharika’s incapacity and subsequent death?
Or, indeed whether they were informed or not, did the law officers take the
initiative to ensure that the constitutional process is adhered to? The law
officers never made a public statement on the matter. In the case of the Office
and President and Cabinet, Minister Kaliati confirms that the Chief Secretary
to the Office and President and Cabinet, Bright Msaka, SC, attended the
ill–advised meetings that purported to block Vice President Banda (as she then
was) from assuming the office of the President. And my teacher, Necton Mhura,
is quoted in the press as saying the role of their office is facilitative. I
disagree. Msaka and Mhura, as lawyers, know very well that as public officers
their office cannot be facilitating a process that is unconstitutional; a
process that is illegal.
Then there is Zolomphi Nkowani. He holds
a PhD in Law and is a senior lawyer in the Ministry of Justice and
Constitutional Affairs. Minister Kaliati places him at the venue of the late
night conference on Good Friday. Was Dr Nkowani present at the press conference
with the blessing of his superiors, namely, the Attorney General and the
Solicitor General? Did Dr Nkowani defy his superiors?
Let us look at the statement Minister
Kaliati read on national television. The statement reads, in its critical
parts, that ‘[t]he Malawi Government notes with regret statements made by Honourable
Joyce Banda and former President Dr. Bakili Muluzi regarding succession to the
Presidency.’ The statement then zeroes in on Vice President Banda and notes that
‘[r]egarding the Vice Presidency and the question of succession to the
Presidency, the Government would like to inform the public as follows: The
conduct of Honourable Joyce Banda in forming her own opposition party precludes
her from being eligible to succeed the Presidency.’ The statement went on to
state that ‘[i]n this regard, statements relating to succession made by the
former Head of State, Dr. Bakili Muluzi and also echoed by Honourable Joyce
Banda herself are misleading of the true nature of the situation.’ The
statement ends on a rather blunt note: ‘The Government would like to appeal to
all Malawians to remain calm and not to listen to any misleading information
coming from anyone except official Government sources.’
A number of things: Note the reference
to ‘Malawi Government’, ‘Government’ and ‘official Government sources’. Second,
the country has no Vice President. Third, Vice President Banda is not ‘Malawi
Government’, ‘Government’ or ‘official Government source’ and cannot speak as
such. Finally, the original text of the statement from ‘Government’ preferred
the American spelling ‘Honorable’ from the Queen’s English ‘Honourable’. Is
this indicative of the author of the statement or it is one of those things a
spell–check does to one’s document? I digress.
Minister Kaliati and her team; do they
know that they do not know? Is this not the classic case of an ant feeling more
powerful than an elephant? How haughty were Minister Kaliati and her team going
to get? Can the Office of the President and Cabinet – the Msakas and Mhuras of
this world – hide behind the ‘veil of facilitation’ when clearly a purported
Government statement is spewing matters that are unconstitutional; that are
illegal? Chief Secretary Msaka is reported in the press to have actually called
for the cabinet meetings. He was calling for the meetings in what capacity? The
Constitution could not have been clearer on the point: The ‘Presidency’
convenes and presides over Cabinet meetings. The hour may have been late but at
the time of the statement, Malawi had a Vice President in office. As such, a
statement by Vice President Banda is Government speaking and it is as official
as it gets; it could not have gotten any higher than that.
‘We have withdrawn the statement. We
have since apologized to the President. The president has forgiven us.’
Somehow, life must go on. Well, not so fast. I am told President Banda is a
very strong Christian. As a good Christian she has forgiven all ‘sinners’. Well
that may be the case, that the Ministers (and I do not know who else) have been
forgiven. But the law must take its course:
Let us look at the principal law on
crimes in Malawi; the Penal Code. The relevant part of the Penal Code has this
heading: ‘TREASON AND OTHER OFFENCES AGAINST GOVERNMENT’S AUTHORITY’. I assert
that at the time that Minister Kaliati and her team read their statement on
Good Friday, we had a Vice President. Any insinuation in their statement that
the office of the Vice President was in fact vacant was not only unfortunate
but unconstitutional; and I dare add, treasonous.
What is the law on treason? Section 38
of the Penal Code provides for the serious crime of treason. The section reads,
(1) Any
person who—
(a) prepares, endeavours or conspires to
overthrow the lawfully constituted Government by force or other unlawful means;
(b) prepares, endeavours or conspires to
procure by force any alteration of the law or the policies of the lawfully
constituted Government;
(c) prepares, endeavours or conspires to
carry out by force any enterprise which would, if effected, usurp the executive
power of the State;
(d) incites or assists any person or
conspires to invade the Republic with force or unlawfully to subject any part
of the Republic to armed attack by land, sea or air, or assists in the
preparation of any such invasion or attack;
(e) in time of war and with intent to
give assistance to the enemy, does any act which is likely to assist the enemy;
or
(f) recruits or trains persons for the
implementation of any of the aforementioned purposes, or participates in any
such recruitment or training,
shall
be guilty of treason and shall on conviction be sentenced to death.
(2) In
this section, the expressions—
(a) “the lawfully constituted Government”
includes the President and any Minister of the Government;
(b) “force” means either—
(i) force used in such a manner as,
whether by reason of the number of persons involved or the means used or both,
to imperil or be likely to imperil the safety of the State or to cause, or be
likely to cause, death or grievous bodily harm or serious damage to property,
or
(ii) a show of aggression calculated to
arouse reasonable apprehension that force, as defined in subparagraph (i) will
be used;
(c) “armed attack” shall include any
unlawful use of force constituting an act of rebellion against or calculated to
undermine the authority of the Government or any arm thereof.
(3) A
person may be tried and punished for an offence against this section whether committed
within or outside the Republic.
There is the related crime of misprision
of treason. Section 39 of the Penal Code states,
Any person who—
(a) becomes an accessory after the fact
to treason; or
(b) knowing that any person intends to commit treason, does
not give information
thereof
with all reasonable despatch to the President, an administrative officer,
magistrate, or officer of police or use other reasonable endeavours to prevent
the commission of the offence,
shall
be guilty of the felony termed misprision of treason and liable to imprisonment
for life.
In English, section 38 is saying that
any person who seeks to overthrow a Government that has been in put in place in
accordance with the Laws of Malawi commits the crime of treason. The manner of
the overthrow can be through force generally, forceful alteration of law,
forceful alteration of policy, usurping executive power of State, or other
military action generally. Section 39 is saying that if a person has knowledge
of the matters in section 38 and he does not report to State authorities, he is
concealing treason. He commits a crime and may be tried for it. Hence, treason
is an unsuccessful enterprise to overthrow a government in office. Otherwise, a
successful enterprise to overthrow a sitting government is a coup d’état. The
law on treason operates after the fact and is set in motion by the ‘machinery’
of the government that would otherwise have been overthrown.
The statement that Minister Kaliati read
on national television clearly states that the country has no Vice President.
The statement naively stated that Vice President Banda is ineligible to assume
the office of the President. In my book, this is an act of treason as envisaged
under section 38 of the Penal Code. In the circumstances, all those who took
part in the formulation of the ill–advised statement commit the crime of
treason and they should be prosecuted accordingly. The Director of Public
Prosecutions, Rose Kanyuka, should inform the nation what the position of her
office will be on this act of extreme arrogance and magnified self–importance
by all those behind the statement.
Since Easter Saturday, we have had a
galore of declarations of loyalty and allegiance to President Banda. When
President Banda and Vice President Khumbo Kachali were being banished from the
Democratic Progressive Party in 2010, were it not the same folks pledging
loyalty and allegiance ‘today’ who were ‘yesterday’ falling over each other in
a bizarre competition of who will shower the most insults at Vice President
Banda and Minister Kachali (as they then were)?
Circa 10:30 p.m. on Good Friday,
Minister Kaliati and her team are telling the nation that the then Vice
President Banda cannot be President. Twelve, twenty four or thirty six hours
later, they are pledging their loyalty and allegiance to President Banda. My
take is that this dramatic turnaround has nothing to do with the purported
forgiveness by President Banda. It has everything to do with these folks making
sure that ‘their bellies are full’ because they know ‘we are hungry.’ (My
apologies to Nesta Bob Marley, here.) The nature of political patronage in
Malawi is such that politicians shift with ease from the red shirts of Malawi
Congress Party to the yellow t–shirts of the United Democratic Front to the
blue Chinese suits of the Democratic Progressive Party and now to the orange
kaftans of the People’s Party.
The people of Malawi deserve better.
President Banda needs to advance a ‘Malawi’ agenda and should strengthen
democratic institutions in the country. For a start, and in relation to our
politicians, section 65 of the Constitution (the ‘crossing the floor’
provision) needs to be invoked without fear, favour or ill–will when the
situation arises for its invocation. I saw tell–tale signs at the swearing in
ceremony on Easter Saturday that we risk prolonging a personalized agenda
instead of a ‘Malawi’ one if songs like ‘Joyisi
Banda ndi boma’ (‘Joyce Banda is the government’) are the norm rather than
the exception. The Joyce Banda Administration must champion a people–based
governance culture which is truly bottom–up in its approach. Under this
culture, the citizenry are accorded the respect they deserve in recognition
that they are the foundation of the ethos
embodied under the Constitution. Going forward, let us move away from songs of
praise. It should not be about Joyce Banda, it should be about what our
constitutional order has put in place.
In the end, those who do not know do not
know that they do not know. They do not have the skills to recognize their
limitations, or to arrive at a correct judgement. Cue; the statement read by
Minister Kaliati on behalf of all those ill–advised Ministers on Good Friday.
Second, such folks (who do not know) have an inflated idea of their ability.
Cue; the avalanche of ‘apologies’ that has ensued. This lot truly thinks that
they are the only folks out of all Malawians who have something to offer the
President, right? And just to add to what Dunning and Kruger have said, such
folks (who do not know) do not know that they cannot get away with it.
† The term ‘Kapirikoni’
(plural: ‘Akapirikoni’) is rooted in
Malawi’s nationalist struggle of the 1940s, 1950s and 1960s. It refers to a
‘traitor’ to a (national) cause.
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